Since the beginning of the modern ‘reform’ movement to encourage ‘inter-caste’ marriages-most of which are in fact inter-tad or inter-ekda marriages—the old process of fission into ekdas and tads has come to a halt, and it is, therefore, difficult to understand this process without making a systematic historical enquiry. Of particular importance seems to be the fact that a section of the urban population was more or less isolated—some may say, alienated—from the rural masses from generation to generation. Hypergamy was accompanied by sanskritization of at least a section of the tribal population, their claim to the Kshatriya Varna and their economic and political symbiosis with the caste population. Although some of them set up shops in villages they rarely became full-fledged members of the village community. To obtain a clear understanding of the second-order divisions with the Koli division, it is necessary first of all to find a way through the maze of their divisional names. Those days, though a “Shah”, I had still not become fully caste conscious. The very low Brahmans such as Kayatias and Tapodhans were invited but made to eat separately from the rest of the Brahmans. In Gujarat, the surname likely referred to those who worked as an assayer of gold, silver, and other precious items. Gujarati Brahmins are usually from the state of Gujarat but are dispersed throughout India. Within each of these divisions, small endogamous units (ekdas, gols, bandhos) were organized from time to time to get relief from the difficulties inherent in hypergamy. Many primarily rural castes, such as Kolis—the largest caste—have remained predominantly rural even today. I have done field work in two contiguous parts of Gujarat: central Gujarat (Kheda district and parts of Ahmedabad and Baroda districts) and eastern Gujarat (Panchmahals district). The method is to remove first the barriers of the divisions of the lowest order and then gradually those of one higher order after another. Gujarati Patel Matrimonial; Patel is the second most common surname in India after Singh which means “headman” or “village chief”. The hypergamous tendency was never as sharp, pervasive and regular among the Vania divisions as among the Rajput’s, Leva Kanbis, Anavils and Khedawals. Gujarati surnames often trace their roots to native Gujarati words or words from Sanskrit. Ambani has a religious origin, given to individuals belonging to ‘Modh Bania Religion.’ Individuals with the Ambani surname are Baniya (Vaishanav), and belong to the business community. The emphasis on being different and separate rather than on being higher and lower was even more marked in the relationship among the forty or so second-order divisions. There was not only no pyramid type of arrangement among the many ekdas in a second-order Vania division—the type of arrangement found in the Rajput, Leva Kanbi, Anavil and Khedawal divisions—-but frequently there was no significant sign of hierarchical relation, except boastful talk, between two neighbouring ekdas. It is fascinating that these surnames have continued to exist for several centuries, and we get to hear them even today. The Brahmans were divided into such divisions as Audich, Bhargav, Disawal, Khadayata, Khedawal, Mewada, Modh, Nagar, Shrigaud, Shrimali, Valam, Vayada, and Zarola. Hypergamy tended to be associated with this hierarchy. Also, the horizontal spread of a caste rarely coincided with the territorial boundaries of a political authority. The pattern of inter-divisional marriages shows how the idea of free marriage, which guides most of the “inter-caste” marriages, is restricted, modified, and graded according to the traditional structure of caste divisions. The urban community included a large number of caste groups as well as social groups of other kinds which tended to be like communities with a great deal of internal cohesion. We have analyzed the internal structure of two first-order divisions, Rajput and Anavil, which did not have any second-order divisions, and of several second-order divisions—Talapada and Pardeshi Koli, Khedawal Brahman, and Leva Kanbi—which did not have any third-order divisions. No analytical gains are therefore likely to occur by calling them by any other name. Dalits and tribal peoples are outside of the caste system. There were Brahman and Vania divisions of the same name, the myths about both of them were covered by a single text. The two areas merge gradually, and my field work covered most of the spectrum. When Mr. H. Borradaile in A.D. 1827 collected information regarding the customs of Hindus, no less than 207 castes which did not intermarry, were found in the city of Surat alone”. The Suthar community is mostly involved in the field of carpentry. It is an occupational surname that referred to someone who worked as a supervisor or a proprietor. They then spread to towns in the homeland and among all castes. Sanghvi derives its name from ‘sangha,’ a Sanskrit word that means ‘assembly.’ The surname ‘Sanghvi’ likely refers to ‘someone who offers hospitality to Jain pilgrims.’. The latter continued to be the provincial capital during Mughal rule. There was a continuous process of formation and disintegration of such units. Nowadays, in urban areas in particular, very few people think of making separate seating arrangements for members of different castes at wedding and such other feasts. Shah derives its name from ‘sahukaar, ’a Gujarati word that means merchant, banker, or money-lender. The purpose is not to condemn village studies, as is caste in a better perspective after deriving insights from village studies. Many last names in India indicate the place the person originally belongs to. In spite of them, however, sociologists and social anthropologists have not filled adequately the void left by the disappearance of caste from the census and the gazetteer. All castes sub castes are primarily divided into 4 categories: The social relations between and within a large number of such segregated castes should be seen in the context of the overall urban environment, characterized as it was by co-existence of local Hindu castes with immigrant Hindu castes and with the non-Hindu groups such as Jains, Muslims, Parsis and Christians, a higher degree of monetization, a higher degree of contractual and market relations (conversely, a lesser degree of jajmani-type relations), existence of trade guilds, and so on. The primarily urban castes and the urban sections of the rural-cum- urban castes were the first to take advantage of the new opportunities that developed in industry, commerce, administration, the professions and education in urban centres. Another major factor in the growth of urban centres in Gujarat was political. If the first-order divisions are called jatis and castes, the second-order divisions would be called sub-jatis or sub-castes. This Gujarati surname is considered to have derived from the Hindustani word ‘panch’ meaning ‘five.’ The name Panchal likely referred to those who belonged to any of the five artisanal communities of blacksmiths, goldsmiths, coppersmiths, carpenters, and stonemasons. In a paper on Caste among Gujaratis in East Africa, Pocock (1957b) raised pointedly the issue of the relative importance of the principles of division (he called it ‘difference’) and hierarchy. The surname originates from a Sanskrit word that means ‘he who does meditation for entire life.’. The surname Jariwala or Zariwala probably refers to someone who produces and sells jari/zari. Caste divisions of the first-order can be classified broadly into three categories. If the Patels are divided according to 'marriage circle', the Baniyas and Brahmins of Gujarat are divided into sub-castes and sub-sub castes. Patidar (Gujarati પટેલ, paṭel, pronounced ) is an Indian title, in tune with the Hindu caste system, that represents some of the castes that are predominant in the Indian state of Gujarat that are either agriculturalists or land owners. The census operations, in particular, spread as they were over large areas, gave a great impetus to writings on what Srinivas has called the horizontal dimension of caste (1952: 31f;1966: 9,44,92,98-100,114-17). Individuals from the Barot community would usually work as genealogists (one who studies and makes a pedigree) and as bards. This was because political authorities were hierarchized from little kingdom to empire and the boundaries of political authorities kept changing. Adhia caste definition is (Half.) Whatever the internal organization of a second-order division, the relationship between most of the Brahman second-order divisions was marked by great emphasis on being different and separate than on being higher and lower. The name, Talapada, meaning “mdigenous”, commonly used in the 19th century, is most clear, since it is clearly distinguished from the other division called Pardeshi, meaning “foreign”, who during the last one or two centuries immigrated here from the area around Patan in north Gujarat and were, therefore, also called Patan- wadias. Limitations of the holistic view of caste, based as it is mainly on the study of the village, should be realized in the light of urban experience. All this trade encouraged development of trading and commercial towns in the rest of Gujarat, even in the highland area. Most inter-divisional marriages take place between boys and girls belonging to the lowest order in the structure of divisions. Although caste was found in both village and town, did it possess any special characteristics in the latter? Both have similar attributes. There was also a tendency among bachelors past marriageable age to establish liaisons with lower-caste women, which usually led the couple to flee and settle down in a distant village. The Gujarati surname ‘Choksi’ derives its name from the Gujarati word ‘Coksi,’ which means ‘assayer of gold and silver.’. Kolis were the largest first-order division in Gujarat. It has been pointed out earlier that an emphasis on the principle of division existed in the caste system in urban centres in traditional India. Difference between caste and sub-caste is not clear-cut. The Levas, Anavils and Khedawals provide examples of castes whose internal organization had a strong emphasis on the principle of hierarchy and a weak emphasis on that of division. The Khedawals, numbering 15,000 to 20,000 in 1931 were basically priests but many of them were also landowners, government officials, and traders. The small ekda or tad with its entire population residing in a single town was, of course, not a widespread phenomenon. For example, there were two ekdas, each with a large section resident in a large town and small sections resident in two or three neighbouring small towns. Desai is a frequently used Gujarati surname composed of the Sanskrit words ‘desa’ meaning country, and ‘swami’ meaning master or lord. It is quite a common Gujarati surname, and indicates that the person is a believer of Jainism. James Campbell (1901: xii), the compiler of gazetteers for the former Bombay presidency comprising several linguistic regions, wrote about Gujarat: “In no part of India are the subdivisions so minute, one of them, the Rayakval Vanias, numbering only 47 persons in 1891. The castes pervaded by hierarchy and hypergamy had large populations spread evenly from village to village and frequently also from village to town over a large area. In effect, the Vania population in a large town like Ahmedabad could have a considerable number of small endogamous units of the third or the fourth order, each with its entire population living and marrying within the town itself. There was also another kind of feast, called bhandaro, where Brahmans belonging to a lesser number of divisions (say, all the few in a small town) were invited. No sooner had the village studies begun that their limitations and the need for studying caste in its horizontal dimension were realized. By the 18th century, Gujarati Lewa Kunbis distinguished themselves by two sub-categories: those who continued their traditional occupation as agriculturists, and those who had taken up revenue collection. Usually, a single Koli division had different local names in different parts of Gujarat, but more about this later. Barot was originally the name of a community that derived itself from the Bhat community. Systematic because castes exist and are like each other in being different” (298). The Rajput’s, in association with the Kolis, were probably the only horizontal unit which had continuous internal hierarchy, i.e., hypergamy unbroken by any endogamous subdivisions, and which did not have discernible boundaries at the lowest level. Thakkar likely derived from the word ‘Thakkura,’ a Middle Indo-Aryan or Sanskrit word, which means ‘God’ or ‘deity.’, Tripathi originates from ‘tripa,’ a Sanskrit word referring to the ‘one who has studied the three Vedas.’. We will now analyze the internal structure of a few first-order divisions, each of which was split into divisions going down to the fourth order. Dowry not only continues to be a symbol of status in the new hierarchy but is gradually replacing bride price wherever it existed, and dowry amounts are now reaching astronomical heights. How To Burp A Baby: Why And When To Do It? The migration of the Kolis of north Gujarat into central Gujarat and those of the latter into eastern Gujarat was a process of slow drift from one village to another over a period of time. What may be called the census approach influenced a great deal of scholarly work. There were about three hundred divisions of this order in the region as a whole. The co-residence of people belonging to two or more divisions of a lower order within a division of a higher order has been a prominent feature of caste in towns and cities. However, it is assumed that ‘Rubberwala’ probably has an occupational origin, and referred to individuals who sold or produced rubber. The Rajput’s in Radhvanaj, the village I have studied in central Gujarat, had no great difficulty in establishing their claim to being Rajput’s: they owned substantial amounts of land under a traditional Rajput tenure, dominated village politics and possessed certain other traditional Rajput symbols. The surname Lakhani means ‘descendant of Lakh.’ The word ‘Lakh’ comes from ‘Laksmana,’ a Sanskrit word which means, ‘one who has auspicious marks.’ Lakhani is also a common surname among Sindhis. Briefly, while the Varna model was significant in the total dynamics of the caste system to fit the numerous first-order divisions into the four-fold Varna model in any part of India is impossible, and, therefore, to consider varnas as caste divisions as such is meaningless. In the city, on the other hand, the population was divided into a large number of castes and each of most of them had a large population, frequently subdivided up to the third or the fourth order. At the other end were castes in which the principle of division had free play and the role of the principle of hierarchy was limited. Today, there are two kinds of Koli areas. In most of the Hindu north Indian weddings, mangalsutra plays an important part and has a separate ceremony where the groom ties mangalsutra around the neck of his bride. I have discussed above caste divisions in Gujarat mainly in the past, roughly in the middle of the 19th century. On the other hand, there was an almost simultaneous spurt in village studies. There would be a wide measure of agreement with him on both these counts. Usually it consisted of wealthy and powerful lineages, distinguishing themselves by some appellation, such as Patidar among the Leva Kanbi, Desai among the Anavil, and Baj among the Khedawal. Systematic study of small caste divisions in villages as well as in towns still awaits the attention of sociologists and anthropologists. For example, just as there were Modh Vanias, there were Modh Brahmans, and similarly Khadayata Vanias and Khadayata Brahmans, Shrimali Vanias and Shrimali Brahmans, Nagar Vanias and Nagar Brahmans, and so on. Gujarat (along with Bombay) has perhaps the largest number of caste associations and they are also more active and wealthy compared to those in other regions. Once the claim was accepted at either level, hypergamous marriage was possible. All Brahman divisions did not, however, have a corresponding Vania division. The Chumvalias and Patanwadias migrated possibly from the same tract and continued to belong to the same horizontal unit after migration. The Rajput’s’ relationship with the Kolis penetrated every second-order division among them, i.e., Talapada, Pardeshi, Chumvalia, Palia, and so on. The surname thus refers to a treasurer. Many of these names were also based on place names. Copyright 10. By the beginning of British rule in the early 19th century, a considerable number of these chieftains had succeeded in establishing petty chiefdoms, each composed of one, and occasionally more than one, village, in all parts of Gujarat. Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. The community is composed of several sub-castes including the Agarwal Banias, Oswal Banias, Porwal Banias and Wani Banias, among others. 08 Jan. rajput caste list in gujarat. While we do get evidence of fission of caste divisions of a higher order into two or more divisions of a lower order, the mere existence of divisions of a lower order should not be taken as evidence of fission in a division of a higher order. The hierarchy, however, was very gradual and lacked sharpness. However, it is assumed that Ganjawala may have an occupational origin referring to individuals or their ancestors who produced or sold Ganja (cannabis). Most of the second-order divisions were further divided into third-order divisions. Acharya. It used to have a panch (council of leaders) and sometimes also a headman (patel). Leva Sheri and Kadva Sheri, named after the two major second-order divisions among the Kanbis. The number of tads in an ekda or go I might be two or more, and each of them might be an endogamous units. That Rajput’s were one of the divisions, if not the only division of the first-order, not having further divisions, has already been mentioned. Both Borradaile and Campbell were probably mixing up small endogamous units of various kinds. Joshi derives its name from ‘Jyotisha,’ a Sanskrit word that means an ‘astrologer.’, A common surname in Gujarat, Kapadia, in Gujarati means, ‘cloth merchant.’. He stresses repeatedly the primacy of the principle of hierarchy-epitomized in the title of his book. The exact meaning of the surname is unknown. to which the divisions of the marrying couple belong. The castes of the three categories—primarily urban, primarily rural, and rural-cum-urban—formed an intricate network spread over the rural and urban communities in the region. The exact meaning of the Ganjawala surname is unknown. However, the design is independent of the caste/sub-caste of the bride or groom, unlike the mangalsutras of Tamilnadu that you will get to know about later in this post. The surname Gajjar represents a Gujarati sub-caste from the Suthar community. Division and hierarchy have always been stressed as the two basic principles of the caste system. They married their daughters into higher Rajput lineages in the local area who in turn married their daughters into still higher nearly royal rajput lineages in Saurashtra and Kachchh. Acharya, a common Gujarati surname, derives its name from ’Acarya,’ a Sanskrit word for a spiritual leader, or the ‘one who teaches conduct.’, The surname originates from a Sanskrit word that means ‘best among priests who perform Yagna.’. Partner Preferences: I m looking for someone who is loving, caring and understanding in nature. A large proportion, if not the whole, of the population of many of such divisions lived in towns. The small endogamous units, on the other hand, did not practise either. The three trading castes of Vania, Lohana and Bhatia were mainly urban. According to the Rajput’s I know in central Gujarat, the highest stratum among them consisted of the royal families of large and powerful kingdoms in Gujarat and neighbouring Rajasthan, such as those of Bhavnagar, Jamnagar, Kachchh, Porbandar, Bikaner, Idar, Jaipur, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, Udaipur, and so on. These marriage links do not seem to have allowed, among the Kolis, formation of well organized, small, endogamous units (ekadas, gols) as were found among some other castes. The two together formed a single complex of continental dimension. Apparently this upper boundary of the division was sharp and clear, especially when we remember that many of these royal families practised polygyny and female infanticide until middle of the 19th century (see Plunkett 1973; Viswa Nath 1969, 1976). That there was room for flexibility and that the rule of caste endogamy could be violated at the highest level among the Rajput’s was pointed out earlier. Thus, the result was the spread of the population of a caste division towards its fringes. They were traditionally occupied as barbers, although some have adopted the name Sharma that was historically the preserve of Brahmins. Secondly, it is necessary to study intensively the pattern of inter-caste relations in urban centres as something different—at least hypothetically—from the pattern in villages. It reflects, on the one hand, the political aspirations of Kolis guided by the importance of their numerical strength in electoral politics and on the other hand, the Rajputs’ attempt to regain power after the loss of their princely states and estates. The surname thus has an occupational origin. In each of these three divisions the top stratum was clear. For example, just as there was a Shrimali division among Sonis (goldsmiths). How many sub-divisions existed in the various divisions of the various orders is a matter of empirical investigation. This does not solve the problem if there are four orders of divisions of the kind found in Gujarat. We shall return later to a consideration of this problem. After the commercial revolution of the 16th and 17th centuries, Gujarat had a large number of tradition towns on its long sea-coast. Ashes and bone are collected from the funeral pyre to be scattered, if at all possible, in the sacred Ganges River. They wrote about the traditional Indian village, but not about the traditional Indian town. The essential idea in the category was power, and anybody who wielded power—either as king or as dominant group in a rural (even tribal) area—could claim to be Rajput. These linkages played an important role in the traditional social structure as well as in the processes of change in modern India. Till the establishment of democratic polity in 1947, hardly any caste association in Gujarat had manifest political functions. In the past the dispersal over a wide area of population of an ekda or tad was uncommon; only modern communications have made residential dispersal as well as functional integration possible. No one knows when and how they came into existence and what they meant socially. Dalal derives from the Arabic word ‘dallal’ or ‘aldilal,’ which means an ‘auctioneer.’ The surname Dalal would have been an occupational one for those who worked as traders, brokers, or merchants. ST, SC, OBC Caste List in Gujarat in Hindi - पिछड़ी और अनुसूचित जनजाति की सूची हेलो दोस्तो! The surname is derived from the Sanskrit word ‘gandha,’ meaning fragrance. Purohit means a ‘family priest’ or a priest who always stays at the forefront of a pooja (a prayer ritual). ‘Gandhi’ refers to someone who is a seller of fragrances, that is a perfume seller. The primarily rural and lower castes were the last to form associations and that too mainly after independence (1947). 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